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Dr James Kierstead | Research Fellow | james.kierstead@nzinitiative.org.nz | |||
Such is the view of New Caledonia that you get on travel websites. And it’s not an entirely misleading one. Tensions between the white population (the Caldoches) and the native Kanaks have long simmered under this calmest of surfaces, though. Last week they suddenly burst into view, with riots erupting across the main island of Grande Terre. Around 1,000 gendarmes have been sent from France to bolster the 1,700 already there. A major mission is underway to take back control of the road between the international airport and the capital, the mayor of which has described it as ‘under siege.’ Some 200 people have been arrested and at least six lie dead, including both Kanaks and police officers. The riots were sparked by a proposal in the National Assembly in Paris to grant voting rights to anyone who has lived in the territory (part of France, but with the special status as an overseas collectivité) for more than 10 years. Under the 1998 Nouméa Accord, only people who were residents of New Caledonia that year can vote. This was a key demand of the Kanak independence movement, since voting in independence referendums tends to split along ethnic lines, with Kanaks voting for it and Caldoches voting against it. Three independence referendums have been held since 1998, with the vote going against independence each time. But separatists are clearly dismayed at the thought of independence retreating further from their grasp. Dismay and further efforts at political mobilisation may be justified. Violence, however, is not. Since the National Assembly’s measure would change the constitution, it has a long road ahead of it, and may never become law. In the meantime, it is surely reasonable for the 40,000 or so migrants who have made New Caledonia their home since 1998 to seek local representation. The French government has been clear that order must be restored. When the political process gets going again, though, the French authorities would be well-advised to attend not only to stability, but also to fraternité between Kanak and Caldoche. If they do not, the independence movement will surely grow. And if French influence wanes in the Pacific, there is another, rising power over the horizon who would be more than happy to step in. |
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Dr Bryce Wilkinson | Senior Fellow | bryce.wilkinson@nzinitiative.org.nz | |||
The Independent Review of Kāinga Ora – Homes and Communities lays bare New Zealand’s housing mess.
Decent housing is fundamental to wellbeing. Yet successive governments have created an artificial scarcity through restrictive land use policies. Housing scarcity hits those with the least means hardest. Governments respond with subsidies. Subsidies drive up rents and prices. It is a mess. Government spending on housing support is forecast to average around $8 billion annually over the next three years, or around $4,000 per household. That is a massive increase on the $2.6 billion spent in 2018. Taxpayers who want to believe their money is being well-spent should not read the Review. It is a sadly familiar story of vast sums being spend poorly by well-meaning but ineffectual government. The fancifully named Kāinga Ora has spent billions since its creation in 2019 with inadequate accountability for performance. Its performance matters. It is New Zealand’s largest landlord. It manages 72,000 homes that house 185,000 New Zealanders, around 4% of the population. In 2002/23 it spent $2.5 billion for an operating deficit of $520 million. Its debt was $12.3 billion. In 2018, its prime predecessor, Housing New Zealand, managed 64,000 properties, also for 185,000 occupants. It spent $1.2 billion with an operating surplus of $125 million. Its debt was $2.3 billion. Kāinga Ora’s debt is projected to reach $23 billion by 2028, about $12,000 per household. Its operating deficits are forecast to be $700 million annually. The organisations Kainga Ora replaced in 2019 reportedly had 1,223 employees, in 2023 it had 3,305 employees. Ministerial engagement with management undermined its Board. Grandiose spending plans were based on wishful thinking about future funding increases. Too much was paid for land purchases and construction. Kāinga Ora’s costs were indicatively $35,000 per home higher than private sector equivalents. Tenant selection did not prioritise those in greatest need. Tenant management was deficient, with rising rental arrears and inadequate support for complex needs. The Review rightly calls for less centralisation with greater accountability, in part through recourse to alternative providers. Central government will still be a dominant funder and purchaser. In this role, it should continue to support building consent applications. The government’s response this week was sensible. Act immediately to tighten the purse strings and defer, perhaps to August, decisions that need a broader context. There is no quick fix for this social housing mess. |
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Dr Oliver Hartwich | Executive Director | oliver.hartwich@nzinitiative.org.nz | |||
This earth-shattering news has sent shockwaves through the country, leaving citizens wondering whether the very fabric of our society is falling apart. The scandal (let’s call it “Ticketgate”) has dominated headlines, overshadowing trivial matters like the ongoing conflict in Ukraine, global economic challenges, and the recent shooting of the Slovak Prime Minister. Investigative journalists have been working tirelessly to uncover the sordid details of Bridges’ heinous crime, which involved exceeding the speed limit by somewhere between 20-30 kph. Rumours have circulated about another possible incident involving Bridges not holding the door open for someone in 2015, and an unverified source has claimed that he once forgot to say “thank you” to a cashier in the early 2000s. “This is a dark day for New Zealand,” said one concerned citizen, who wished to remain unnamed. “How can we trust a man who has such a blatant disregard for the law? What’s next? Forgetting to pay for a bag at the supermarket? Not returning a shopping trolley to the designated area?” “If we can’t trust the chairman of the NZTA to obey the speed limit, how can we trust anyone?” exclaimed a spokesperson for Commentators Anonymous. “This is a slippery slope. Today, it’s a speeding ticket; tomorrow it could be using an expired coupon or not rewinding a rented VHS tape in the late 1980s. Where does it end?” Under intense scrutiny from the media, Bridges has expressed remorse for his actions, stating that he has “learnt a valuable lesson.” As the nation grapples with the aftermath of this disturbing revelation, one can only wonder what the future holds for Simon Bridges. Will he be able to weather the storm of public outrage and media scrutiny? Or will this be the end of his tenure as chairman, forever tarnished by the spectre of his 2018 speeding ticket? We would have liked to check the odds that the revelations will end Bridges’ career, but political betting market iPredict had to shut down several years ago due to a certain minister’s decision. It might have been Bridges himself. And thus, only time will tell, but one thing is certain: New Zealand will never be the same again. |
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